Do Iranians remember how to play chess?

An American Apache helicopter went down during an exchange linked to the escalating confrontation between Washington and Tehran. Within hours, the incident was absorbed into the region’s familiar rhythm: claims, counterclaims, rapid military responses, and carefully worded statements designed to signal control rather than escalation. American strikes followed. Iranian messaging followed in turn. Once again, both sides insisted, almost in parallel, that they did not want a wider war. A sentence the region has heard before. 

By Nadia Ahmad
In Beirut, cafés remained open a little longer than they should have. In Tel Aviv, phones lit up with breaking alerts that people pretended not to check too often. In Tehran, official statements were drafted with calibrated language. In Washington, analysts appeared on television screens explaining why escalation remained “contained,” while sounding unsure. Everyone spoke of control; few spoke of direction. 

The issue increasingly appears to be the absence of strategic vision. Not whether this exchange leads to war or de-escalation, but what kind of regional order is being slowly assembled through these repeated shocks. If “order” is even the right word for it anymore. Beneath the surface of these familiar crisis routines, something more structural is taking shape.

Chess is often described as a European game, associated with Soviet grandmasters in long tournaments under harsh lights, men sitting in silence. At the same time, entire countries projected meaning onto their next move.

Yet the game’s origins lie further east, passing through Persia, where it absorbed not only vocabulary but also a philosophy of power. The word checkmate itself comes from the Persian “shah mat”, the king is helpless, a simple phrase, signalling finality. 

Raising a question that sounds almost too abstract in the midst of current events: Do the Iranians still know how to play chess?

Not in the sense of battlefield tactics, which Iran has demonstrated over decades, operating under pressure, absorbing shocks, responding through a layered network of influence stretching across Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and beyond.

The question is – is Tehran still shaping the board? Or is it increasingly reacting to moves made elsewhere, trying to recover position rather than define it?

What appears today as a series of disconnected confrontations is, in reality, part of a wider contest over alignment. Washington’s approach has rarely looked like a single, clean strategy from the outside. It is more like pressure applied in layers—military, economic, diplomatic—sometimes consistent, sometimes improvised, always testing limits. Not collapse.

Not even necessarily regime change. More like reconfiguration, though even that word feels too neat when you watch it unfold in real time. And this logic does not stop at Iran.

In Lebanon, the pressure takes another form. Hezbollah, long a central pillar of Iran’s regional deterrence structure, now operates inside a country that feels, at times, held together more by habit than by institutions. The economic collapse is not new, but its effects have become cumulative in a way that is hard to reverse. People adapt, but adaptation is not the same as stability.

Here, politics is no longer only ideology or resistance narratives. It is also salaries, electricity hours, bank withdrawals, and the slow exhaustion of a society that has learned to function without fully recovering.

While the Abraham Accords did not redraw maps, they redrew possibilities—introducing a different regional grammar—one built on normalisation, economic corridors, and security arrangements.  

Within that grammar, Iran and Hezbollah remain central—but also increasingly pressured to respond to a regional architecture they did not design. While the Middle East absorbs these shocks, two distant capitals watch the board in very different moods.

In Moscow, the situation tends to be read through memory as much as analysis. Soviet grandmasters once sat through marathons under the weight of national expectation. In the U.S.S.R., chess was never just a game, and it is also an exaggeration to claim it was purely strategic.

Still, the pattern of thinking in long sequences remains. From that angle, the contest over Iran is not about a single strike or a single ceasefire. It is about the slow shaping of influence across Eurasia, where changes accumulate quietly until suddenly, they are no longer quiet. 

In Beijing, at least from the outside, the reading is harder to pin down.  Chinese strategic thinking is often described as patient, a true yet incomplete description. There is patience, yes, but also a kind of constant adjustment that does not always announce itself. Ports, energy routes, infrastructure deals—these are not dramatic moves, but not passive either. They change the structure of dependence over time.

While Moscow feels like it is calculating the board, Beijing feels like it is quietly building parts of it. Across all this, Washington remains the most active player—responding, pressuring, adjusting, sometimes improvising, sometimes over-correcting, moment to moment. Yet, even the most active player cannot control the whole game. 

Because every move creates a counter-move, every strike produces recalibration. Every ceasefire is, at best, temporary. In Beirut, this is not theory. It is routine. People learn to live with instability the way others live with weather.

In Tehran, the reading is more formal, but not necessarily more certain. Every crisis is measured twice: once in immediate terms, and once in long-term positioning. And those two readings do not always agree.

Chess is not a game of isolated victories. It is a game of position—of accumulated advantage, of patience under pressure, of understanding that the board is always changing even when it looks still. The helicopter incident, the strikes that followed, the fragile ceasefires declared afterwards—none of them really stand alone.

They are moments in a longer sequence that no one fully controls. The real question is not whether Iran can respond. That part is obvious. It is whether it still recognises the shape of the board it is playing on—or whether the board itself has already begun to shift in ways that are harder to read than before.

As in chess, the difference between reaction and strategy is often very small on the surface. Sometimes, that is exactly why it matters.

 

Nadia Ahmad

Nadia Ahmad is a Lebanese journalist, public policy researcher, and political analyst. She is focused on the Near and Middle East, analysing geopolitics through a political theology approach and the dynamics of Abrahamism.
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